I
Since 1983 I have voted at the Manuel Felipe de Tovar high school, located in the La Viña urbanization in Valencia.
Starting in 2004, the year in which the first elections were held after the Chavismo-anti-Chavismo polarization was consolidated, the opposition managed to comfortably win in this voting center by a margin of 87 to 13 - more or less -, with a participation of 80% of the electoral population.
On July 28 the result was similar, but only 45% participated. That is to say, of the once solid flow of votes in favor of the opposition, about half abstained, either because they are voters who are not in the country or because they decided not to vote.
I arrived at 1 pm, there were no people in line, I voted in one minute and left understanding that Maduro had won the process, fundamentally because the call of his adversaries had not taken hold and the machinery of the Great Patriotic Pole guaranteed the mobilization of the base. chavista social.
II
A few months in advance, the transnational opposition's campaign was based on an overacting triumphalism that, surely, convinced its most faithful followers. The wear and tear of Maduro and his electoral core had already been estimated at 15%, but the right was burdened with the difficult task of getting anti-Chavistas to vote, convinced that “this dictatorship does not get votes” plus the absence of several million people. who migrated in terror following the route that, a few years ago, Guaidó, Trump and the members of the Lima Group, among others, marked with decoys. That is to say, it was and remains impossible for the political heirs of Carmona Estanga and the Democratic Coordinator (2002-2004) to win on July 28.
III
Throughout the campaign and given the triumphalist propaganda, many assured that the anti-Chavista spokesperson, inside and outside Venezuela, would not recognize the official results. This meant that the word “fraud” would be used again to headline the main media portals of the great universal capital and its sepoys, which in effect, and again, happened.
Once again, María Corina Machado publicly denounces fraud as she did in all previous electoral processes, although many remind her that in 2002-2003 she and her association Súmate were the ones denounced for a proven and massive forgery of signatures against Chávez.
The same thing happened in the wheat field development in Valencia. At the Lisandro Ramírez high school where some 9.500 voters vote, only 40% participated. I voted with my wife at 1:30 and there were no lines outside the high school or in the internal facilities. My theory is that the opposition voter residing in the country did not participate. The campaign of the opposition candidate with the greatest possibility of victory failed to convince since it was based on disqualification and lies.