The tragedy of Haiti | Vladimir Acosta

Haiti is an unfortunate country. It is not only the repeated failure of the struggles of his people, their growing poverty, their misery and successive crises. It is not even just the colonialist and imperial attacks and looting that it has suffered throughout the past XNUMXth century and so on. It is that in that terrible picture of contempt and humiliation that today molds the swamp of his daily life it is difficult to see signs that a path is being opened that allows him to get out of that swamp, even in the long term and at high cost.

The brutal assassination of President Jovenel Moïse is a clear example of this. Moïse was a troubled president. How can you not be in Haiti or anywhere when you want to change something? The rich, reactionary and submissive right wing accused him of being a dictator while a good part of the poorer people supported him. An international plot is organized to kill him. He is killed by a gang of hitmen made up of Colombian soldiers and Haitians with passports Yankees. The Colombian contractor is a Venezuelan businessman based in Miami. In other words, the United States is up to its neck in the matter. And before the picture that is created, Haiti asks him to invade the country to guarantee its security. How can we not talk about a dead end swamp?

I will not say more about Moïse. I prefer to remember here as other times the heroism of the Haitian people and several of their achievements before the surrender of their wealthy class and the interventions Yankees, plunged him into the pit in which he lives today.

ONE. We should get out of the historical and political error of saying that the indigenous resistance began on October XNUMX, XNUMX. That day, the great date of glory of the Spanish colonial Empire, has nothing to do with indigenous resistance. The naive natives of Guanahaní, who the Spaniards called Indians, celebrated their arrival, offering them water and fruits while they looked carefully at the golden nose rings that some were wearing and exchanged them for little balls of colored glass, authentic balls for guessing. That naivety was maintained throughout Columbus's voyage. The Santa María ran aground in Hispaniola. Everything was removed with Indian help and Columbus said that not a pin had been lost. As he could not return to Spain in two ships with his entire crew, he built a fort, which he called Christmas, with the remains of the Santa María, and left XNUMX sailors on the island. Gone Columbus, these were dedicated to run over the natives, to steal their gold and rape their women. A cacique from the part of Hispaniola that is now Haiti, called Caonabó, rose up with his tribe, stormed the fort, burned it, and killed all the Spaniards. That was the beginning of the indigenous resistance, in January XNUMX. Caonabó later paid for his victory with his life, and no one wants to remember it in order to continue celebrating Spanish glory and indigenous naivety as a day of indigenous resistance.

TWO. The Spanish massacre the Indians and replace them with black slaves. Haiti passes into the hands of France. At the end of the XNUMXth century, Haitian blacks and mulattos took advantage of the French Revolution and rebelled. They fight against the three colonial empires: Spanish, British and French, and their black and mulatto heroes, Toussaint Louverture, Christophe and Dessalines, defeat them. And on January XNUMX, XNUMX, Haiti, free, proclaimed its independence, the first on our continent after the United States. Another immortal feat. It is the only slave revolution, also black, that has triumphed.

THREE. In XNUMX, Miranda, seeking support for her liberating expedition in Venezuela, arrived at Jacmel, a port in southern Haiti, and there she received all the support of the Haitians, who provided with resources and a ship, while the loving hands of black and mulatto women Haitians sew our tricolor flag. The only one, the one that Miranda plants in Coro when she set foot on Venezuelan soil.

FOUR. In XNUMX the New Granada and Venezuelan patriots fleeing Cartagena met in Haiti. President Pétion organizes an expedition to liberate Venezuela. Most are opposed to the leader being Bolívar, whom they associate with the defeat of both republics. Pétion imposes it. The expedition, the first in Los Cayos, starts well. Bolívar decrees the freedom of the slaves. But in Ocumare a false news and a surprising Spanish attack defeat the patriots. Bolívar arrives when all is lost. Soublette will later say that Cupid was to blame for his delay. Back in Haiti, Pétion insists on Bolívar's leadership and this time the expedition, second from Los Cayos, is successful. Bolívar's leadership asserts itself and the independence struggle takes on new vigor.

FIVE. 1826. The Congress of Panama is convened. Santander's racism leaves Haiti out as black and African and Bolívar, despite his debt to Haiti, had to accept it.

Since then, Haiti has disappeared from this Latin America. It is no longer named, as if it did not exist. Haiti continues its fight. After Pétion, Boyer unifies Hispaniola, but then the crisis and decline began. Monarchs, coups d'état, dictatorships, popular revolts, while France suffocates it to charge it for its independence a mountain of gold.

The Haitian situation worsens at the beginning of the 1915th century as the United States, a newly declared imperialist power, completes its colonial conquest of the Caribbean. President Wilson, a self-righteous hypocrite, racist, supporter of the KKK, decides, due to its strategic situation, to take over Haiti, which is experiencing a horrendous crisis. In XNUMX the Marines They take Port-au-Prince, go straight to the National Bank, blow up the vault with dynamite, take the gold bars out of the country and take them to the United States. In 1916, with another invasion and the servile support of the Haitian ruling class, they seized Haiti and turned it into a protectorate. Thus the endless Haitian crisis begins to take shape.

SIX. But there is resistance. In Haiti there is a patriot and peasant movement that has great support among the people: they are the robbers. Its leader is a mulatto politician named Charlemagne Péralte, who since 1916 has led an anti-imperialist guerilla, which has kept the invading troops in check for almost three years. Nobody recognizes it, but that is the first anti-imperialist guerrilla of our continent. Sandino came later. In a treacherous ambush, the Yankees They kill Péralte in 1919 and to convince the people that they have killed him, they fix the corpse to a door with open arms, take pictures of it and make posters that they put up in the fields. The rebels compare Charlemagne Péralte to Jesus Christ.

Little by little, Haiti is submitting. 18 years of occupation, followed by murderous and corrupt dictatorships and failed rebellions. This is how we arrive at present-day Haiti and its misery. The Yankees they maintain their power. Our countries look the other way. And those who do something, Brazil, Uruguay, Bolivia and Argentina, send occupation troops that are integrated into the UN blue helmets, whose task is to run over the Haitian people and rape their women and girls.

But there is an exception. And it is Venezuela, the Venezuela then ruled by Hugo Chávez. A follower of Bolívar, Chávez wants to pay his debt to the forgotten brother people. And he does so generously. It offers it all his economic, political and human support. And the Haitian people pay him back by making him their hero. But it was not just Chávez, because Maduro has continued that fraternal and supportive policy. Only the current deep crisis in Venezuela, threatened and blocked by the United States, reduces the weight of that aid, which is limited to declaring solidarity. In short, I leave these events here in solidarity with the heroic brotherly people of Haiti, even knowing that, as before, they will also fly away soon, carried by the wind.

 

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