And geopolitics? (II) | Vladimir Acosta

Geopolitics is, then, the politics of rivalry and permanent conflict that, for world domination, is waged daily between the richest, most powerful and best-armed powers on the planet. It is based on keeping small and weak countries under control, whose wealth they need to control in order to remain great powers capable of competing in that struggle. And the sad fate they impose on those small and weak countries is none other than to submit to that rule or to be attacked or invaded if they resist.

But what I want to emphasize now is that this American continent was the first to confront since the end of the XNUMXth century that imperial and colonialist European policy that no one had yet described as geopolitics. And the XNUMX British colonies in the north were the first to try to take advantage of European geopolitical contradictions for the benefit of their independence struggle. With the political and military support of France and Spain, enemies of England, they achieved their independence from it to later become a new country: the United States. But that country, slaver, racist, expansionist and slaughtering of Indians, took, in the name of its security and making it go through a new way of fighting for freedom, the old aggressive and arrogant way of expanding its territory at the expense of its neighbors, to make wars against them in the name of a so-called Manifest Destinythat called them to be first masters of America and from it future masters of the world. And its neighbors Mexico and Central America were its first victims. Nothing to expect from them.

And it is in the area of ​​Hispanic dominance that three South Americans emerge, all Venezuelans, who, unlike the United States, try, one after another, to clear a new path that gives a different meaning to that geopolitics, to make it an instrument of solidarity and union of the weak, not to impose dominance on anyone, but to gain their independence and decide to stay united in the midst of their differences so that their earned sovereignty allows them to defend it.

The first of those three great Venezuelans is Francisco de Miranda. Thus, decades later, at the beginning of the 1806th century, a similar process was being attempted in then-Spanish America: seeking European support to help achieve independence. Leader of that fight is Miranda, who fights for American independence and later in the French Revolution, which moves away from its radicalism, goes to England and seeks support from its government to achieve the freedom of that America for which it has been fighting for years. , organizing patriotic groups throughout the continent and promoting successive conspiracies that are not successful. The political picture differs from that used by the United States: the enemy is now twofold: Spain and France united, and the possible ally is England, which only thinks about its interests, and when Napoleon invades Spain it aligns itself with the Spanish. Miranda has an authentic vision of a great country that encompasses all of our America and prepares government projects that express that profound vision. The problem is that these projects are premature and that everything depends on England, which tries to manipulate it. Miranda resists; and fed up with promises of aid that did not arrive, he looked for it in the United States, from where in 1811, at the head of a small fleet, he led the first armed attempt to liberate Venezuela. Fails. But in XNUMX he is the first military leader of our independence.

The second of those three great Venezuelans is nothing more and nothing less than Simon Bolivar, the greatest of our Liberators. Bolívar, who starts from Miranda's scheme, is the creator and diffuser of the idea of ​​a great homeland that accompanies his entire independence struggle, especially since it goes beyond the limits of Venezuela and acquires continental reaches. For Bolívar, the vision of Patria Grande is his basis for reformulating that still-nameless geopolitics that he turns into an instrument to achieve the union of our brother countries, their liberation from Spanish colonialism, their independence, and their subsequent and full sovereignty. Bolívar liberates Nueva Granada and Venezuela, Sucre liberates Ecuador, and then both liberate Peru and liberate Bolivia. In the fullness of his glory, to give concrete shape to that continental unity, Bolívar convenes the Congress of Panama in 1826. But its failure begins to show him that the union that made the victory of Ayacucho possible as a time to shape the The long-awaited Great Homeland is about to be erased because what is coming is the time of lesser leaders who want to claim their triumphs by dissolving the Great Homeland in a jumble of small homelands that compete for power and borders. His masterpiece, which is Colombia, was divided into three countries in 1830. Sick and saddened, Bolívar died that year, saying that he had plowed in the sea, forgetting that his work is imperishable and that the time of that great country would have to come. later.

The last of those three great Venezuelans is Hugo Chávez. Chávez, a connoisseur and faithful follower of Bolívar's thought, determined to give concrete form and make his great dream of building a great Latin American Homeland a reality as the only way to recover our independences mediated since the XNUMXth century and crushed by the imperial domination of the United States. Since the XNUMXth century, it decides to face with vigor and clear objectives the geopolitics that now has its own name, and that heads the empire Yankee, fundamental enemy of our peoples and of their sovereignty and independence.

Chávez is a geopolitician with the opposite sign to that of official geopolitics. His idea is to unite the oppressed South so that it exists and is free. To unite our American peoples to do so so that they may finally be free and respected. Chávez's great advantage is that he not only wants to, but also has the means to do it. In the first decade of the XNUMXst century, Chávez is already a continental leader loved by the peoples and his reach is worldwide in various fields. The Venezuela he leads is prosperous, has resources, is willing to help brother countries, and his decision-making capacity as a leader is great. In the short space at my disposal I will limit myself to summarizing those enormous achievements. OPEC is recovered, the enormous historical debt of our state with its people is being paid, Telesur is created as a free and autonomous Latin American channel, Petrocaribe to incorporate the small island countries of the Caribbean into that great homeland that until then has ignored them, and Alba and Unasur for the union of sister countries that share progressive governments with Venezuela. But both are limited organisms. And Chávez realizes that the body that our countries need is CELAC, a collective body in which all our governments have a place regardless of their political and economic ideas. And this is an organization for everyone, to discuss our problems and differences with freedom and autonomy, without imperial interference, without the rotten OAS, and without the United States and its servile Canada. These are steps that Bolívar could not take, steps that allow us to appreciate the successful work of Chávez, the breadth of his vision and the scope of his achievements.

It is true that in the second decade of this century, these achievements are overshadowed when right-wing governments return to power, subservient to the empire. And Cuba and Venezuela are left alone resisting.

These days there is a certain awakening: López Obrador's speech extolling Bolívar and his vision of Homeland, the Argentine government denouncing the servility of the OAS, Castillo's closed triumph in Peru, the possible triumph of Lula. It may be an opportunity to move forward, it may not. Hopefully so, but be it now or later, it is certain that it will return, because that is the way.

 

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