A plan to recover the Essequibo | Luis Britto Garcia

To guide our actions with respect to Guayana Esequiba: 

Regarding the territoryWe must collect all the information available on its geography, hydrography, fauna, flora, natural resources, roads and means of communication, and formulate projects to optimize the use and reasonable preservation of such elements in favor of its inhabitants.

Regarding demographics, to compile the most reliable data on its population, growth rate, longevity, health problems, its poverty index, Human Development index, socioeconomic stratification and degree of inequality expressed in the Gini index. Guyana's population is not homogeneous: it consists of a sector of Afro-descendants; another of Hindu descent; one more of Amerindians, indigenous mestizos, and another of native peoples. The Amerindian sector has starred in marked conflicts with the rest, which culminated in the repressed uprising with the Rupununi massacre. This group, demographically preponderant in the Reclamation Zone, rebelled and was harshly repressed for their favorable attitudes towards our country. A not well determined number of Guyanese have migrated to Venezuela and have even been nationalized: it is pertinent to investigate whether they would cooperate with our country if the dispossession were corrected. 

In relation to the economy, it is necessary to analyze the fundamental productive activities of the Esequiba region, unemployment rates, levels of remuneration and socioeconomic conflicts present or latent in it, in order to determine to what degree Venezuela could contribute to its solution. of socio-economic cooperation with the inhabitants of the Reclamation Zone, which show the favorable aspects of the socialist administration. Of particular interest is the analysis of the relations of the Cooperative Republic of Guyana with the transnationals Hess, Apache and Exxon Mobil, as well as the conditions in which they operate in their territory, and their advances towards the Reclamation Zone. 

In regards to politics, a detailed study of the different parties that operate in the region, as well as their explicit or implicit attitudes towards Venezuela, is indispensable. Historically, the National Party, or Amerindian party, has shown sympathy towards our country. Investigate which parties, organizations or movements share such tendencies, and establish contacts with them. 

Regarding international relationsIt is obvious that the United States and Great Britain move and will move all their mechanisms in international organizations to achieve decisions unfavorable to our country. This does not prevent the existence of irreconcilable differences between the two powers in relation to the nationality of the companies called upon to exploit the riches of the Essequibo and, if necessary, enter into those of Venezuela. Our survival depends on our internal strength and coherence. We must intensify relations with the Non-Aligned, Unasur, Celac.   

 On the strategic plane, the armed forces of the Cooperative Republic of Guyana are very modest. But the delivery by your government of natural resource concessions to hegemonic powers, and the enmity of the latter towards Venezuela makes our border with the Reclamation Zone very dangerous. The Cooperative Republic has authorized alleged joint military exercises with forces from other countries with no other purpose than to make their presence known. The signing in January 2021 of a Maritime Agreement with the United States known as "Shiprider" by the Secretary of the State Department of said country Mike Pompeo has as an excuse to pursue drug trafficking, and for real purpose to allow the presence in the maritime, territorial and air space of Guyana and the Reclamation Zone of US military units. If possible, it is urgent to maintain satellite and drone surveillance over our border area and its territorial sea. Its defense must be exercised with extreme caution, since a large part of the conflicts in the United States have been initiated under the pretext of responding to false flag attacks, followed by disproportionate attacks. Our authorities should examine hypotheses about various such possibilities, and plan responses for each case. 

The cultural area it should be the object of particular attention. We claim our legitimate rights over a territory, but information about the inhabitants of it is limited. Few studies have been carried out on their culture, idiosyncrasies, identities, beliefs, traditions, values, motivations, attitudes and behaviors. The Amerindians who predominate demographically in the Reclamation Zone sympathize with Venezuela. In the same vein, there is little that the Venezuelan population has made the Guyanese known about themselves. I am not aware of studies on the degree of penetration of the Venezuelan media in the Reclamation Zone. Possibly we have developed scholarship programs, cultural exchange, educational, health and social support and economic aid with the Cooperative Republic, as with most of our neighbors: such programs are not sufficiently disseminated or known by our public, and I suppose less by the Essequibo. We have not applied with the necessary diligence the call soft power: the tactic of creating favorable attitudes towards a country through the diffusion of its culture and generous and ostensible acts of cooperation, brotherhood and humanity. 

Just as the image of the majority of Venezuelans over Guayana Esequiba is insufficient, surely so is that of the majority of the region's inhabitants of Venezuela. It would be necessary to activate a powerful and fruitful cultural exchange, with a view to achieving the best relations with a population that is essential to attract and that will ultimately decide the fate of the region.


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