HomeJabón de OlorSecret geopolitics and triumph

Secret geopolitics and triumph

Details were revealed. Called urgently due to rumors of an imminent coup d'état, Pérez had returned from Davos, from the meeting of the Bildenberg Club, a world government made up of presidents of transnational corporations, heads of secret services of capitalist powers and some presidents who attend to negotiate. Carlos Andrés Pérez and César Gaviria were there. What did they go to negotiate?

In recent months the Colombian press had maintained abundant information on boundary deals between the two countries. El Tiempo, of December 21, 1991, brings sensational news: Carlos Espinosa confirms his separatist warning:

“The warning by Congress President Carlos Espinosa Faciolince about a possible secession of the Atlantic Coast, made this week, is not a joke. Yesterday what was said was ratified.”

“I said that in the event that we were denied the possibility of adopting a territorial planning model to establish balance between the regions of the country, in the face of the obstruction and marginalization that we have been subject to, we were determined to politically translate that deep regional feeling promoting the creation of the Independent Republic of the Caribbean", He stated in an official statement that he gave to journalists yesterday. In a press release released by the Senate three days ago, at the end of a meeting of coastal congressmen, Espinosa said: “We made the decision that either we achieve territorial reorganization or there will be separation.”

Globalization authorizes regions to speak harshly to the national State. Will Mr. Faciolince's expression have a corresponding expression in Venezuela? Faciolince is not just another politician, he is the President of the Colombian Congress!

The magazine Chromos of Bogotá, one of the most popular in that country, will carry in its issue of June 27, 1992, four months after the Chávez coup, an article that answers many questions. It is titled "The Coast: Federal Independence?" and on page 13, corresponding to the index, a map of northern Colombia with indication of the departments that would be separated according to the initiative headed by Faciolince. There are seven of them and each one is identified with a color. The northernmost is the Goajira, yellow; to the south Caesar, red; on the left Magdalena, purple; Atlantic, yellow; Bolívar, blue; Sucre, yellow dotted; finally Córdoba, red. Below the graphic is a text: "The Caribbean Republic, a declaration of unity." Unit?

If we look at the westernmost side of the map we will notice that two of the departments whose secession is proposed, Goajira and Cesar, border with the Venezuelan state of Zulia and their rivers have an outlet to Lake Maracaibo.

The presidential plane brakes and lays down its ladder on the runway of the Maiquetía airport. There is the Minister of Defense, General Fernando Ochoa Antich, waiting. He approaches CAP as soon as it hits the ground, they walk talking on the way to the passenger terminal building. That speak? According to one version, Ochoa warns Pérez about the imminence of a military pronouncement. According to another, which will be offered months later by General Herminio Fuenmayor, very much like Carlos Andrés Pérez and sworn enemy of Ochoa Antich, he "went to the airport to arrest the President, but he gives up and what he tells Pérez is that there is a coup" . Pérez seems to listen to him attentively, at the end of the presentation he orders him: "Present his resignation to me first thing in the morning tomorrow." Twenty-four hours can be a long time, especially when the conspiracy that Ochoa had come to denounce was joined by another in which he participated, the right-wing one.

Scapegoat, new right

Nicolás Maduro must have learned all this and a thousand other things during the first months of his activity alongside Hugo Chávez Frías. In the Venezuela through which he walks, Pérez has the people against him, who has found a brother and armed savior in Hugo Chávez Frías.

The following months are marked by attacks by right-wing men against Carlos Andrés Pérez. It is a young, neoliberal right that organizes itself in NGOs and identifies the pain brought by neoliberalism as a product of the "paternalism" of the parties and of Carlos Andrés Pérez when he precisely abandoned Keynesian capitalism, and not only abandoned it, but who is fighting it, but with this they are trying to kidnap the pain of people who do not know about politics, something that Rafael Caldera did masterfully on the afternoon of Chávez's coup. In the process, the scapegoat is created: "Pérez has screwed us over, but he will be punished." A deputy from the MAS, a taxi party for the powerful, requests in Congress the defenestration of Pérez for illegal financing of President Chamorro of Nicaragua. Nobody asks how the documentation reached the deputy, it is enough for Pérez to be punished. He is dismissed. It is the first time that such a thing has been done in Venezuelan history and the spectacle of scapegoat sacrifice unleashes cathartic joy among the people.

Rafael Caldera tours Venezuela, speaks against neoliberalism and cites with his presence years of Keynesianism that were milder. Chávez is in prison and the man of social-Christian rhetoric definitively steals the Chavista vote, he is elected president. From power he will try to fulfill his Keynesian promises.

But the price of oil reaches 5 dollars a barrel. The national budget is going into the ditch, the bolivar is devalued every day. To make matters worse, the price of gasoline is raised, a measure demanded by the International Monetary Fund and clearly evaded by the Caldera government, fearful of a new Caracazo. The increase is carried out. There is no Caracazo, the massacre of February 27 is in memory, the massacre happens this time at the dinner table of every Venezuelan home.

Was he made from the paste of Fidel Castro?

Caldera frees Chávez. It is an act that has been criticized a lot by the right, perhaps exaggerating, because for a vision like Caldera's it was not bad for that official Chávez to speak against globalization and against neoliberalism, and quote Bolívar and Manuelita Sáenz, and He would rant about Democratic Action and criticize the corruption of Copei, which was a party of ungrateful people, who owed him everything and had expelled him.

Speaking like this, Chávez would win the elections, that was very feasible. Then he would face the real problems and he would have to enter through the hoop, as he had entered and before Rómulo Betancourt. All the Latin American politicians who had wanted to live and exercise power had accepted reality. Those who proceeded differently died: Che Guevara, Jacobo Arbenz, Salvador Allende.

Fidel Castro was the only example of a man faithful to the ideas of youth and triumphant. The only. Was that lieutenant colonel born in an unnamed place in the savannahs of Barinas, made from Fidel Castro's dough? Could he remain whole where a Rafael Caldera had folded? Perhaps he would fight corruption, which would not be bad, but he would not dare touch oil, because corruption is quantifiable in perhaps two percent of the national budget, while oil represents 80% or more, 48.000 billion dollars. year. In this matter of capitalism and corruption, Chávez could only do what he did, play with the saint, but not with alms. Especially since yours would be another world. The future rise of China and India was something widely calculated in the laboratories of global analysis; they were already underway and irreversible processes, and the brutal increase in oil consumption and prices that they would unleash was clearly calculable. And of course, measures had to be taken to place puppet governments in the producing countries, Arab, Mexico, Venezuela, that would keep oil cheap despite the eastern rise.

Caldera had easy access to all this information, and in terms of puppet governments and the policies imposed on them, he did not need intellectual information, his was a prime example, he was the scab of OPEC.

Beyond fantasizing about intentions, it is effective to observe the results. What would have been the fate of Venezuela and Latin America if Chávez had continued in prison for ten or twelve years, if he had only left it in 2008?

Zulia and oil, as always

After Maduro's pardon, Cilia Flores and a tremendous group of followers helped Chávez organize his political movement. Chávez appears leading in all surveys in the poor and middle class strata.

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