Since the coup d'état that in 2002 briefly overthrew President Hugo Chávez, which marks 19 years this Sunday, the opposition of that time, remastered, but with the same protagonists in front and behind the scenes, has maintained the violent route, and with balances fatal, to seize power through non-electoral channels.
But the violence has not been carried out only with tanks and rifles as in April 2002. Cornering the citizenry, kidnapping resources, destroying the economy and isolating the government are the shortcuts they take.
In the inventory of the most fanatical known attempts, there are maritime incursions with mercenaries hired in the United States and attempted incursions with trucks from Táchira, passing through military deserters crouched between banana crates and armed with rifles stolen from warehouses of the Bolivarian National Intelligence Service. attempting a coup from the Altamira distributor to make a convict escape, to an attack with explosive drones to wipe out the entire high-ranking national state and the diplomatic corps accredited in Caracas, and attempted bombings in public buildings crowded with people.
Tactics of the so-called soft coups have also been used in favor of a Caribbean version of the so-called Arab Spring that overthrew governments and distorted the political map of the Middle East, turning it into a powder keg on the verge of exploding, on which Iraqis, Syrians, Libyans and other victims must survive, in the ruins of what were exemplary and prosperous societies and cultures, before the interference of the US and the European Union.
Here the guarimbas became the favorite shortcut to Miraflores, the one that began in 2002.
Although they had been used against Chávez, after his death they became synonymous with death and destruction; of people burned alive for “looking like Chavistas” or slaughtered with guayas placed by peaceful protesters.
Perhaps the genesis of the conspiracy against the Bolivarian project can be located in the Venezuelan Congress, which in 1992 condemned the coup where Hugo Chávez was heard for the first time.
The Venezuelan right wing and its traditional parties, AD and Copei, condemned the failed coup and those who delivered it.
Those parties, and their derivatives (Primero Justicia, Voluntad Popular, Un Nuevo Tiempo) together with those who lost their privileges inside and outside the country, gave their own coup 10 years later, but theirs did not fail, at least for 47 hours.
After the 4F, Chávez paid jail time and started the electoral route and was the most voted in the history of Venezuela up to that date. Those who overthrew him opted for abstention, non-participation and more frontal or underhanded blows.
“Die the coup plotters”, the senator for AD, David Morales Bello, shouted in 1992, repudiating the senator for life and former president Rafael Caldera who asked heads of state who sympathized with then-president Carlos Andrés Pérez, to understand that it was “difficult to ask him to the people who sacrifice themselves for freedom and democracy when they think that freedom and democracy are not capable of feeding them. Democracy cannot exist if the peoples do not eat! ”Said that 4F, and Parliament unanimously signed the condemnation of the coup and the imprisonment of the rebels.
But in 2002, after assassinating his own followers, overthrowing Chávez, hunting down ministers, deputies, and Chavismo figures without a warrant, and besieging and invading an embassy, the president granted an amnesty.
In 2002 Julio Borges, Leopoldo López (of whom Juan Guaidó is a faithful ward), Henrique Capriles and others demanded with tanks pointing at Miraflores surrounded by people, "the president has to resign." They themselves, once pardoned, continue, in complicity with foreign governments, their script with armed coups, usurpation of functions, attack on the economy and theft and kidnapping of assets abroad, but they still fail to get there.
And it is because CAP no one took to the streets in 1992, while for Chávez in 2002 a voluntary human shield was overturned to defend him on the 12th and 13th so that he would continue as president and 19 years later the people still resist.
Coup intensified after Chávez's departure
- Download that arrechera 2013. After Maduro won, Capriles calls for violence (11 dead, 78 wounded).
- The exit 2014. Promotion in the MUD of Leopoldo López, who called to the streets for “the exit” of the President (violence and destruction).
- Guarimbas 2014. Closure of streets, violence to people and institutions, from February to June, with pitched battles (43 deaths, thousands of wounded, millions in destruction).
- Economic war 2014-15. Induced shortage, destroy purchasing power (hunger, disease, malnutrition, forced migration, hyperinflation).
- Guarimbas 2017. Reissue of street violence that stopped with the arrival of the Constituent Assembly (93 deaths, attack on the Supreme Court and barracks).
- Drones 2018 Frustrated assassination bombs to the State staff (7 injured).
- 2019 Self-proclaimed Guaidó swears himself (theft of “aid”, kidnapping and embezzlement of assets).
- Guacales 2019. On April 30, Guaidó frees López and together with deserters rise up in Altamira after the failure of the entry of trucks.
- Gideon 2020. Attempted maritime incursion to assassinate the President.
No matter who it is, the White House follows the script
Pedro Carmona Estanga was undoubtedly the most visible face of April 11, 2002.
His self-inauguration as de facto president is well remembered after the coup that overthrew President Chávez, after the Llaguno bridge massacre and under the threat of bombing the government palace.
Then the logistical, economic and political support of the White House, which at that time was occupied by George Walker Bush, was confirmed.
Carmona immediately enjoyed, through a statement, the recognition of the US and Spain, then the EU and El Salvador, and statements from Chile that spoke of him as the legitimate president.
Carmona was sworn in without a Bible, Constitution or electoral proclamation and said that he had come through a "process with deep democratic roots" that empowered him to "a broad mandate from the Venezuelan people."
He was applauded by businessmen, owners of private media, opposition political parties, the military who led the coup and the high hierarchy of the Catholic Church in Venezuela, the same ones who ran when they learned that Chávez was returning.
"Sometimes we have to twist the arms of countries if they do not want to do what we want," warned Bush's successor, President Barack Obama, and then declared to Venezuela, in March 2015, "an unusual and extraordinary threat," base on which President Donald Trump, after Obama, added the most suffocating coercive measures, the same as the current US president, Joe Biden, continues.
Bush supported the 2002 coup and the bosses and oil strikes, Obama supported the 2014 guarimbas and Trump those of 2017, self-proclamation and the theft of assets abroad, and Biden is going the same way.
Those who applauded on the 11th and ran on the 13th, and recognized Carmona for 47 hours, followed the protagonists in strikes, guarimbas, sabotage, bombs in buildings or drones, incursions with trucks, boats and mercenaries.