Remembering history

As early as December 1979, just five months after the triumph of the Sandinista revolution, the defeated Somocismo that had taken refuge in border countries began armed actions against Nicaragua on the border with Honduras.

The first days of that month, I was sent to the northwestern region in the department of Chinandega with a battery of mortars to reinforce an infantry battalion that would be displaced to the border to face the first military actions carried out from Honduras with the collusion of the government and the armed forces of that country and the endorsement of the United States.

I remember having my first “Day of the Immaculate Conception of Mary”, “La Purísima” in Nicaragua, the most important religious commemoration in the country on December 8 north of Somotillo, near the towns of Santo Tomás and Cinco Pinos, in the foothills of El Variador hill, a very short distance from the border limit, and east of the city of Choluteca in Honduras.

From the elevations you could see the enemy group that was organized in Honduran territory with the “sight and patience” of the army of that country. We assumed that they were concentrating forces to carry out some military action in Nicaraguan territory, but such was the demonstration of forces from the Sandinista army that they desisted from such an attempt. The provocation and / or attack on the sovereignty of Nicaragua had been avoided.

The democrat Jimmy Carter ruled in Washington, who had only taken away his support for Somoza when, in June of that year, the American journalist Bill Stewart was killed by the Somoza national guard in Managua. For Carter, 50 Nicaraguans murdered by the dictatorship did not have the same value, but the death of a single United States citizen made his heart “soften” and remind him that humans have rights, including the most important, the of the life.

In 1980, that Democratic president who showed himself to be civilization in the face of the barbarism that his Republican predecessors embodied, gave instructions to begin the imperialist aggression against Nicaragua. Precisely in Honduras the initial forces of the counter revolution were structured, which united ex-soldiers from Somoza's army, conservatives defrauded by the radical measures of the revolutionary government, criminals, landowners, traffickers and various species of the worst kind.

Soon, they entered the national territory where they found cultivated meat in popular sectors, peasants and indigenous people disappointed because the revolution in its fledgling had not understood the dimension of the border and had not responded immediately to the needs of the population of those areas. I remember the concern of the high-level Cuban officers who had come to advise the new Sandinista People's Army, in the sense that a prompt and forceful response be given that would not allow the articulation of those embryos of counter-revolutionary force. They were assisted by their early experience in the annihilation of the stateless forces that tried to gather in the Escambray in the center of the island and that already in 1965 had been completely defeated thanks to a combination of intelligence work, popular participation and heavy blows inflicted by the army. .

The Nicaraguan argument was that in their country, this type of "criminals" had always existed and that they were no more than gangs of rustlers and petty thieves who would disappear very quickly. They did not give it the due importance from the first moment and, when, shortly after, they faced the task to the extent of the organization of the revolution and the professionalization of their army, they had to face an enemy armed, financed and instructed by the United States. We already know what happened: a long war in which all the heroism, sacrifice and patriotic spirit of a people fought against the economic, financial and military power of the main power on the planet. In the end, in the 1990 elections, the people - always Sandinista - voted against the continuation of the war and the FSLN was ousted by the votes, from the power they had obtained with arms.

Forty-five years later, another Democratic president who also wanted to show himself as "civilized in the face of the barbarism of his Republican predecessor" intends to repeat the formula, this time from Colombia against Venezuela. The immediate response was the "Bolivarian Shield" because we must not let any foreign military force grow to become a factor that tries to make internal terrorist organizations financed by the United States and Europe and supported by the Latin American fascist right to take power through armed outside the National Constitution. We must root out this option starting now, when they try to establish themselves in our territory. The equation is the same that has already been successful in Cuba: "effective intelligence, popular participation and heavy blows delivered by the army." We are in those.

 

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